By the mid to end of April, we will be completely restocked and I am sure that our selection of weavings will be equally impressive. As a side note, many have recently asked about the cleaning and restoration of Navajo textiles. There are many companies that are able to provide such services and we can highly recommend the “Persian Rug Cleaning Company” in Los Angeles, California if you have Navajo textiles that need cleaning or restoration. Their phone number is (213) 413-6373. Just give them a call and ask to speak to Bob.

Davis

Amongst our sculptures and fetishes we have numerous alabaster pieces by Marvin Toya from the Jemez pueblo. If you need a smaller scale there will be several hundred fetish critters from Zuni artists. These pieces start at $12.00 and range up from there. They include bears from Jeff and Emery Eriacho, corn maidens by Stewart and Vicki Quandelacy, and carvings from other artists such as Eric and Florentino Martinez and Eric, Colin and Calvin Weeka. 

Matt

The Hopi believe this is the land that the deity Maasaw (Earth God) instructed them to inhabit. They were directed to become caretakers of the earth and live a balanced existence. A great example of this balance is the use of only naturally uprooted cottonwood tree roots for the carving of Katsina. By using only this material the Hopi create amazing sculptures without upsetting the spirits of nature. Their amazing adherence to this way of life can be seen in their three main fields of art: Katsina carving, pottery and silversmithing.

Be sure to stop by and check out our extensive selection of Hopi art, as well as exquisite works by other Native artists such as Marlin Pinto, Laurence Dallas, Sterling McRae and Silas Roy and Raymond Chee. 

Also available will be a great selection of Santo Domingo and Zuni jewelry, whose artists really enjoy the use of color. Zuni artists in particular are getting into the spirit of spring with motifs of dragonflies, birds, sun faces, flowers and butterflies in their jewelry.

From Gallup, New Mexico, comes some great works by a group of artists known as “Stoneweaver”. Stoneweaver is made up of approximately sixteen very talented Navajo and Zuni inlay artists, who have between 5 and 30 years of experience in silversmithing and making inlayed jewelry. They create some amazing pieces with rhodochrosite, lapis, onyx, tiger’s eye, picture jasper, turquoise, mother-of-pearl and man-made opal. More recently, a new stone called Morado opal has been added to the list of extensive and interesting stones. This gem comes from a mine in northern Mexico. Although we have seen some pieces with Morado opal, the buzz in the Indian jewelry world is that it is about to become very difficult to get in Indian Jewelry. Still, we’ll do our best to bring some of this interesting stone to you.

In addition, coral is getting harder to get; artists are having difficulty finding pieces large enough to be cut down for inlay work as well as pieces that are free from inclusions that naturally appear in coral. Acquiring decent material has become cost prohibitive for them. In fact, we aren’t finding very many pieces inlayed with coral these days, so if you are interested in adding coral jewelry to your collection, now may be the time to do it. Red spiny oyster is fast replacing coral as the material of choice due to its availability (although not as expensive as coral, it’s not inexpensive either, because of the risks involved in its harvest). Nevertheless, we will continue to do our best to find jewelry with good quality coral for you.

As we go to press, Alton Bedonie continues to create new masterpieces for us. His bolos and buckles utilize 10 and 12 gauge plate silver. Translation – they are heavy (around 5 ounces)! He is currently working on a new necklace which we hope to have by show time as well. As always, we expect Alton’s work to sell quickly, so be sure to come in early!

Other famous and award-winning artists whose work we will have available for sale include Charles Loloma, Sherian Honhongva, Al Nez, Carl & Irene Clark, Donnie Supplee, Bruce Hodgins, Myron Panteah, Kee Yazzie, Alex Sanchez, Jack & Mary Tom, Bruce Morgan, and many others.

See you at the show! 

Thanks, Eric

Oh, and one more note of thanks … You really did help us in 2011 by taking the time to tell us and show us what you are looking for in Navajo weavings. There truly is a sea of great weavings out there and that can make it very difficult to choose what to bring and what to leave behind. Your input has been and always will be greatly appreciated. —Davis

We had a great time over the holiday season buying from many different artists and the inventory for our 2012 show series is looking very good. Alton Bedonie kept busy designing and creating some amazing turquoise and sterling silver pendants, earrings, rings and bracelets for us and we’re proud to say we had some input in the design process. Bruce Hodgins provided us with some incredible pieces, including two hand-drawn silver link bracelets (unlike any you’ve seen!) as well as a beautiful Red Fox agate pendant. Bruce stated that this stone is no longer being mined in its native Argentina, and that there are currently no other sources of this stone to be found — it’s so unique. The search is still on, but it’s doubtful if any will be found any time soon, if ever.

Frank Tom and Mary Tom both stopped by in December and we purchased a total of ten exquisite necklaces from them. Leon Martinez provided us with eleven gorgeous bracelets, including one from his son Jess. Like many Native American artists, talent runs in the family! The Martinez bracelets are designed in a 1940–50s vintage style and are set with gorgeous stones, most of which are Pilot Mountain turquoise.

We have asked all of these artists (along with Kee Yazzie and Lionel Bahe) to create some buckles and bolos. So far, we have obtained several spectacular pieces from Bruce, Alton and Kee. We also managed to purchase Kee’s blue ribbon belt buckle from 2011’s Gallup Ceremonial.

There have been several buying trips to Gallup and Zuni to get the latest and greatest in jewelry and fetish carvings. While at a trading post in Zuni, Ruddell Laconsello stopped by with a gorgeous cardinal pendant made from coral and sterling silver. In addition to obtaining that superb work of art, we also obtained several pieces from Harlan Coonsis, including a beautiful silver knife-wing dancer pendant inlayed with Sugilite and angel skin coral. Other artists represented at this show include Charles Loloma, Carl and Irene Clark, Brian Clark, Sherian Honhongva (niece of Charles Loloma) and many others. In addition to all the new works we purchased, we still have many great pieces from private collections we obtained over the last several months.

For collectors of books on Native American arts, a new book has been published — Native American Bolo Ties: Vintage and Contemporary Artistry — by Diana F Pardue and Norman L Sandfield. We will have a copy in our showroom for you to peruse.

There are so many spectacular works of art to see this show series — Santo Domingo, Navajo, Zuni and Hopi works are all represented. Artists have been very busy this winter! We look forward to seeing you all there!

Thanks, Eric

We have also been fortunate enough to obtain, from a private collection, a magnificent carving by Neil David Sr. The carving depicts a comical Koshari (clown) trying to keep the hotdog he is attempting to eat away from an over enthusiastic dog. Neil David Sr. is one of the most respected as well as one of the most award winning Hopi carvers, whose work is much sought after by collectors.

Don’t miss this opportunity to drop by and see if any of our selection of sculptures by this multi-award winning artist captures your interest. There will also be a variety of work by other artists such as Marlin Pinto, Laurence Dallas, Sterling McRae, Wilmer Kaye and Silas Roy to name a few.

This brief article examines the Navajo sandpainting as both a religious item and an art item. We’ll present a brief history and discuss the sandpaintings as art forms that are used and made today. Lastly, we’ll at how this art form has evolved. Note that this brief article only touches the surface; for more information, consult the references listed at the end.

Introduction

There are two forms of Navajo sandpaintings. The first is used in the traditional healing or blessing ceremony conducted by a Singer or Medicine Man, a hataalii. This is referred to by the Navajo as an iikaah, “a place where the gods come and go.” The sandpainting is the crucial element in this 2- to-9-day ceremony, which is designed to restore balance (hozho), thus restoring lost health or insuring “good things.” The Singer uses crushed stone, crushed flowers, gypsum, pollen, etc. The sandpainting is completed in one day and destroyed later that night. This type of sandpainting is rarely viewed in an actual healing ceremony by non-Navajos. However, several noted Singers have demonstrated their skills at state fairs and powwows, although they leave the paintings incomplete, unlike the pure and sacred ones used in actual ceremonies. The demonstration is designed only to “show how it’s done.”

The second form is sandpainting as an art, created on a piece of particle board or plywood. In this form, elements of the sacred ceremonies, some very nearly complete, are presented as a unique and permanent art form. Finely crushed stone — some natural, some permanently dyed — is applied to the glue base. The overall design is intended to be an art presentation that uses the sacred Navajo symbols in the manner that would not be considered disrespectful. Artists hope that the beauty of this work, coupled with the traditional Navajo beliefs, will please the public and will provide a meaningful income. James C. Joe learned sandpainting from his father (Eugene Baatsoslanii) and later became a noted Medicine Man; he is the first to have practiced both professions. The Navajo accept this art form as quite legitimate.

The Origin of Navajo Sandpainting

Navajo legends tell us of the people before man. The Holy People are First Man, Changing Woman, Spider Woman, Monster Slayer, Born of/for Water, the Snake People, the Corn People, etc. These Holy People maintained permanent paintings of sacred designs on spider webs, sheets of sky, clouds, and some fabrics, including buckskin. When the First People, the Dineh, created by Changing Woman, were guided by First Man into the present world, they were given the right to reproduce these sacred paintings to summon the assistance of the Holy People. But ownership of them could lead to evil because, as the Holy People told them, “Men are not as good as we; they might quarrel over the picture and tear it and that would bring misfortune; rain would not fall; corn would not grow.” Therefore, it was decreed that they must accomplish the paintings with sand and upon the earth. Furthermore, it must be destroyed at night.

Most ethnologists and other researchers believed that the Navajo learned the art of sacred painting from the Pueblo Indians. These people’s ancestors were the prehistoric Anasazi, Mogollon, and Mimbres. Studies of prehistoric paintings on cave and kiva walls show that many were painted or plastered over and then reused with different art. It is well known that early sandpainting used a variety of materials — colored sands, crushed rock, charcoal, crushed flowers, gypsum, ochre, pollen, and cornmeal. These sands or “dry” paintings were used in the Pueblo’s rituals in prehistoric times. Also, both the early Pueblo Indians and the Navajo used depictions of men impersonating the gods. Several common motifs and early identifiable deities appear in both. They include the Humpback or “Camel” God with his back full of seeds, the two children of Changing Woman (Monster Slayer and Born of Water), Red Cloud, Talking God, and others.

The Great Pueblo Revolt occurred in 1680, when the Spanish and all of their religious entourage were expelled from all the Southwestern pueblos. Several years later, the Spanish regrouped in El Paso (El Paso del Norte) and returned to the pueblos to reestablish their political and religious hegemony. Many Pueblo Indians feared reprisals and left to live as nomads with the Navajo. There was much intermarriage and likely an incorporation of the Pueblo’s dry painting into the Navajo rituals. We know the weaving techniques — so wonderfully perfected by the Navajos — had Pueblo origins. So, too, might some of the religious practices.

Regardless of the sandpainting’s origin, one fact is clear: It is transitory, a specific rendering of a religious art form that is destroyed upon completion. Therefore, there is no pictorial evidence of what sandpaintings looked like one hundred years ago and earlier. Our only clues lie within the records of kiva walls, cave walls, and mural fragments from several hundred years ago. We also have the words of earlier scholars and researchers who wrote about what they learned from talking to medicine men of their time. Fortunately, a few drawings and reproductions do exist of the religious work in the late 1800s and very early 1900s. The legendary Medicine Man and weaver Hosteen Klah (1867–1937) was, among many other things, instrumental in capturing, for history, a significant period of this legendary art. He and his family wove the designs into Navajo rugs. These rugs and his drawings are centerpieces of the Museum of Navajo Ceremonial Art in Santa Fe, New Mexico. They are our best links to the early religious designs that later became such an inspired art form.

The Role of the Sandpainting

Navajo religion holds that everything consists of powerful forces, which are capable of good or evil. The balance between them is quite fine; if upset, even accidentally, some misfortune or even disaster will occur. Nature is balanced. It is in harmony, and only man can upset the balance. Of the many, many Navajo deities, only one, Changing Woman is constantly striving to enhance the good forces for the people. It was she who gave birth to the twins, Monster Slayer and Born of Water. These two heroes or war gods left evidence of their exploits that exist even today. The great lava flow near Grants, New Mexico, is the dried blood of a slain monster. Likewise, the formation southwest of Shiprock is the remains of a giant man-eating eagle. They and their mother succeeded in ridding Dinetah, the Navajo world, of all evil except old age, poverty, sickness, and death.

There is no supreme being in the Navajo religion. Among the most powerful are Changing Woman, the Twin War Gods (heroes), Sun (the husband of Changing Woman), Holy Man, Holy Woman, Holy Boy, Holy Girl. Also powerful, and appearing in sandpaintings, are the Earth, Moon, Thunder, Wind, and others. Yeis (generally lesser deities), both male and female respectively, along with animals, plants, and various forces in nature, are very important in the Navajo religion. They appear in many sandpaintings.

All of these deities are constantly in flux, causing good and evil. The goal is for these forces to be in balance, or hozho, a perfect state. This term can represent an amalgam or the concepts of blessed, holy, beautiful, balanced, without pain, etc.

Hozho is the desired balance but it is difficult to maintain because everything (person, plant, animal, stone, star, cloud, strike of lightning) has its Holy People. Anyone who angers any of these forces — an easy thing to do — creates disharmony and risks any one of several physical or mortal ills. In addition, many witches seek to harm individuals through their own ceremonies, which also use sandpaintings.

The everyday existence of the Navajo is filled with pitfalls that could easily anger a Holy Person and result in a loss of hozho. For example, killing a bear can cause arthritis, laughing at one can cause it to “get after you,” mountain sheep can cause ear and eye problems, killing a sand spider can cause baldness, watching a dog “go to the bathroom” can cause you to go crazy, killing snakes or lizards can cause your heart to dry up and your back to get crooked, yelling at a pregnant woman can cause the baby to be deaf, and so on; there are thousands of taboos and cures.

To cure the attendant illness caused by the imbaance, you first need a diagnosis by a hand trembler, a ndilniihii. Through prayer, concentration, and the use of sacred pollen, the practitioner’s hand will tremble and an analysis of these movements will pinpoint the cause of illness. This also identifies the “sing,” “chant,” or “way” needed to effect a cure. There are many ways to combat ills; Navajo religious beliefs provide for about 500 different sandpaintings derived from some 50 different Chants or Ways. There are, for example, nearly 100 sandpaintings within the Shooting Way or Shooting Chant alone.

Each chant or way is associated with one or more elements of the creation story. And each ill or imbalance is likewise associated with one of these chants. For example, the Bead Chant cures skin disease caused by thunder, lightning, or snakes, and the Night Chant cures nervous disorders among other ills.

These ceremonies are presided over and orchestrated by a full Medicine Man. A ceremony can last 2 days or be as long as 9 days. Involved are chants, songs, prayers, long lectures, dances, the use of sweat baths, herbs, emetics, prayer sticks, assorted fetishes, and, of course, sandpaintings. These ceremonies are expensive. The Medicine Man must be paid well, and the host must provide food and accommodations for friends and family who attend. Those who attend share in the blessing that accompanies the ceremony and assist in the chant, dances, and construction of the sandpainting. A 9-day Night Chant has been known to bankrupt a family.

When all the preliminary activities such as lectures, purifications, chants, etc., have been accomplished, the Medicine Man begins the sandpainting ritual, usually in the family hogan. All the pigments of color have been carefully gathered and prepared. The principal colors — white, blue, yellow, and black — are linked to the four sacred mountains as well as the directions. Red, often considered a sacred color, represents sunlight. As a note of interest, the four sacred mountains are Arizona’s San Francisco Peaks (west), Navajo Mountain in Utah (north), Mt. Blanco in Colorado (east) and Mt. Taylor in New Mexico (south).

The Navajo name for sandpainting, iikaah, translates to “place where gods come and go.” This name is appropriate because, if all activities are performed correctly and the patient believes in the cure, the sandpainting prepares the way for the forces or Holy People to intercede and restore hozho. The sandpainting is the final act to summon those forces. The patient sits in its center and faces the open door of the hogan, which always faces east. The Holy People being summoned will arrive and infuse the painting with their healing power, dispelling evil and restoring balance. The ceremony also shields against further threats of a similar nature that may be directed toward the patient, such as witchcraft.

The sandpainting can be quite small or as large as 20 feet, which means that several men and women would be needed to finish it in the allotted day. Most sandpaintings are between 6 and 8 feet. The Medicine Man or Singer is the director responsible for accuracy of color and design. For practical reasons, work begins in the center and works outward in a “sun-wise” pattern for religious reasons (east to south to west to north and back to east). Most sandpaintings have a protective garland around three sides to prevent evil from infusing the work from the north, west, or south. This is often a rainbow. The painting must face east for the Holy People’s entrance. In order to prevent evil from entering before the work is complete, spiritual guardians may be positioned to the east. There are many such guardians, including the beaver and otter, which gave their hides to Monster Slayer and Born of Water to prevent them from freezing on one of their journeys.

With the patient seated in the center of the sandpainting, the Singer takes items from his medicine bag and touches them to body parts of the Holy People in the sandpainting. He then touches corresponding parts of his body and then the patient’s body. Thus, the powers of the Holy People, properly orchestrated through the intermediary, are transmitted to the patient, restoring the hozho needed for the cure.

When the ritual is completed, the patient leaves the sandpainting and all the sands are swept away in a reverse order. The sand is then either buried outside or scattered to the four directions. Failure to destroy a sandpainting or attempting to reverse any part may bring blindness or death to the transgressor.

Not all sandpaintings are used to cure the ill. In fact, the heart of the Navajo Religion is the Blessing Way, which hozho to many things — a newborn child or a new home, planting, job, marriage, etc. Usually the sandpainting is small, and the ceremony covers a single day. These ceremonies do not always require the floor of a hogan; they be done on buckskin or cloth.

Sandpainting as Art

Hosteen Klah is credited with being the first Navajo to present a sandpainting picture in a permanent art form. He wove a “Whirling Logs” design from the Night Way Chant into a textile (rug). He and his two nieces wove approximately 70 pieces over an 18-year span. From this came many sketches, drawings, paintings, and later, books. Another Medicine Man, Miguelito (1865–1936), contributed greatly to books. Rest assured, these weavings and the drawings by famous and respected medicine men were altered to some degree to preclude any disrespect to the Holy People. (One blanket purchased in 1929 had 34 identifiable errors according to a noted anthropologist.)

The most often-seen sandpainting today is a reproduction on a piece of plywood or particle board. This evolved from the 1930s and was first seen in Gallup, New Mexico. Today the board is smoothed and covered with a thin but precise layer of glue. Colored sand or crushed rock is then placed on this layer. More glue is painted on and more sand is deposited. If the glue is too thick, the line or area will be lumpy; if too fine or thin, not enough sand will adhere and the painting will appear weak. To keep the glue from drying too fast, the artist works on only small areas at a time.

Although most artists use common household glue (thinned) as the base, many add one or more secret ingredients to satisfy their own requirements. Also, some artists use different rocks or pigments to achieve various colors. Some use commercially colored sands. Part of the skill involved in creating a high-quality sandpainting is the technique of dispensing the sand onto the glue base. Most artists take a small amount of sand in the palm of their hand, below the second finger. They trickle the sand off the index finger, guiding and regulating it using the thumb. The flow must be uniform or the line on the sandpainting will be uneven. Some sandpainters sketch first, and then work in pencil; others work only by eye.

As demand for an item increases beyond production capability, new production techniques are developed. Some sandpainters now use a series of copper templates to speed their work. Certain symbols, lines, and patters are cut out of copper. These templates are placed on the board and used to quickly apply glue in the proper location. Often, they are also to apply sand. Templates are used often in the more “commercial” grade of sandpaintings.

Another item, the air brush, has become popular with sand painters. It allows for the rapid creation of a multi-hued background. This technique does not lessen amount of work required for the background; it simply adds an artistic dimension. And, what is sandpainting, after all, but an art?

The Evolution and Influence of Sandpainting Art

Sandpainting as an art was first seen in tapestries and later in paintings and drawings. These forms still exist. As weavings, very few Navajos will attempt a sandpainting; they are extremely difficult to do well and require a long time to finish the final tapestry. Those who undertake this task can — and do — command a high premium.

The Navajo Yei rug, first woven with great controversy near the turn of the century, quickly became popular because of its resale success. It is still popular, a “must” for any weaving collector. It is not uncommon to see Yei weavings blended with other regional rug patterns.

Artists frequently employ one or more figures from a sandpainting in their contemporary work. Noted Navajo artist Harrison Begay frequently used one or more guardians in his paintings as early as the late 1930s. Justin Tso, Jack Lee, Benson Halwood, and many others do also.

Sandpainting figures also appear in many Pueblo pottery designs. Hopi Kachinas are used most often, but the use of Navajo Yei figures has also increased.

Sandpainting has undergone some great changes. At first, paintings incorporated the more common Yei figures and occasionally a corn plant. Then they evolved to render simplified Chants or Ways — the Whirling Logs, Big Thunder from the Shooting Chant, Coyote Stealing Fire, etc. Now we see renderings or realist and impressionist movements, as well as pictures of Shiprock, fetish bears, and pottery depictions, among others. Generally the work is not complex, but it is pleasing and represents a strong art movement.

Over a period of several years, various competitions began to recognize sandpainting as an art form. As more and more museum shows, fairs, ceremonials, etc. began to award prizes based on quality and innovation, these works increased in quality, quantity, and innovation. Today, we see in exquisite detail, pure traditional sandpainting designs. Also, several artists blend two or more sandpainting designs, or elements, together. Among the best of these groups are Rosabelle Ben and Fred Geary. Other master artists such as Eugene Baatsoslanii Joe, Bobbie Johnson (d.), J.M. Cambridge, Keith Silversmith, H.R. (War Eagle) Begay, and Gracie Dick use a blend of tradition, impression, and realism to achieve one-of-a-kind expressions that rival, in expression and in quality, any great art.

As a last note, sandpainting designs now appear in sterling and gold-cast jewelry, which is popular and selling well. It is easy to see that the core of Navajo life — the religion and its expression in the sandpaintings — has influenced all forms of Navajo art. Its influence is expected to continue.

References / Suggested Readings

Ronald McCoy, 1988, “Summoning the Gods,” Plateau Magazine of the Museum of Northern Arizona. (An excellent, detailed presentation—most of our spellings of Navajo terms and other details are from this work.)

Eugene Baatsoslanii Joe and Mark Bahti, 1978, Navajo Sandpainting Art, Treasure Chest Publications, Inc., Tucson, AZ. (A well-written and illustrated book with many personal observations by the most famous of all living sandpainting artists.)

Tom Bahti, Revised by Mark Bahti, 1982, Southwestern Ceremonials, K.C. Publications, Inc. (Brief overview, very well written.)

Frank Johnson Newcomb, 1964, Hosteen Klan, Navajo Medicine Man and Sandpainter, University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, OK. (For in-depth understandings of Navajo life and the role of the Medicine Man.

Ernest L. Bulow, 1982, Navajo Taboos, Southwesterner Books, Gallup, NM. (Very interesting and a brief review that gives insight into the many pressures on the traditional Navajo way of life.)

Franc Johnson Newcomb and Gladys A. Richard, 1937, Sandpaintings of the Navajo Shooting Chant, J.J. Augustin, NY, Reprinted Dover, New York, 1975. (In-depth view of Navajo life and the intricacies of the most varied of the Navajo Ways or Chants.)

David Villasenoor, 1963, Indian Sandpaintings of the Greater Southwest, Naturegraph Publishers, Inc., Happy Camp, CA. (A pamphlet describing 14 Navajo Ways, with color photos.)

In the Beginning

It has often been said “the land was good for nothing else so we gave it to the Indians.” Nothing could be further from the truth. The original Navajo, the T’aa dine’, chose this very area some six to seven centuries ago. This nomadic people arrived and apparently lived in harmony with the existing Anasazi until the latter’s disappearance or assimilation.

Undoubtedly, the T’aa dine’ learned much from their neighbors, the Pueblo Indians, including the skill of weaving with domestic cotton and native grasses. They necessarily modified their traditional, nomadic way of life.

In the 16th century, the Spanish began exploring this area. Shortly thereafter, Spanish rule and the Catholic Church dominated the Southwest. The traditional arts of the pueblo dwellers and the Navajo were severely curtailed. In fact, some scholars refer to the ensuing two-and-a-half centuries as the “Regressive Period” of pueblo arts and crafts. The Navajo, unwilling to be subjected to outside domination, simply reverted to their original, nomadic way of life.

They retreated deep into the high deserts and canyons. From these strong points, they began raiding Spanish and Pueblo livestock.

By this time the Navajo were already accomplished weavers, having learned this skill from the Pueblo Indians. It was a simple transition to start weaving with the wool of the purloined Spanish sheep instead of cotton, like the Pueblos. The belt loom and, later, small vertical looms were transportable, lending themselves to this mobile existence. Naturally, this caused changes in the Navajo’s weaving styles. For approximately 300 years, the Navajo pursued this nomadic way of life and hence developed the unique culture we know and respect today.

Although nomads and raiders, the Navajo had homes — areas devoted to agriculture and permanence — but these homes were few and far removed from civilization. The Navajo moved continuously, raiding constantly. They were feared by the local Pueblo Indians, the Spanish, and the Americans alike; they were, as Don Dedera writes, indeed, the “lords of the desert.” Their pride was intense and it remains so today. Their legends, religion, and language have been, and still are, passed from generation to generation. All of this is expressed, wonderfully, in their weaving. No other cultural group in the world weaves as the Navajo weaves. The finished work is a fine expression of the pride and the creation of beauty of these people.

The Last 200 Years

The difficulties of Navajo were not limited to just the Spanish or their old neighbors, the Pueblo tribes. The Navajo’s lifestyle also conflicted with the rapidly expanding population of the U.S. The problems created by this new economic, social, and cultural interaction are beyond the scope of this paper. However, it is important to note how the conflict ended in 1863. The ensuing changes dramatically affected the Navajo’s weaving art.

The U.S. Cavalry appointed Colonel Kit Carson, the famous mountain man, explorer, scout, and guide, to the task of effectively eliminating the “Navajo threat.” He adopted General Sherman’s “scorched earth” technique and effectively destroyed the Navajo’s livelihood. Leading the U.S. Cavalry through the area, he ravaged crops and homes, killed sheep and horses, and finally destroyed the orchards of peach trees in the rugged Canyon de Chelly. This last act insured the starvation of the Navajo, who finally surrendered.

At this time, the tribe numbered approximately 14,000 to 15,000 strong. Approximately one half, or 8,000 people, were gathered and forced to travel 350 miles to Ft. Sumner, New Mexico. Here the government tried to change their way of life to an agricultural style.

The project was a failure. The land and the Navajo were simply not suited to agriculture. The local people, Americans, Mexicans, and other Indians, including Apache and Comanche, were most inhospitable. The Navajo, defenseless, were preyed upon by all. In a period of 4 years, nearly one fourth of the population died. The high cost to the federal government for maintaining these people in food, lodging, and clothing was politically and economically unacceptable, especially since the program was obviously not working. A new program was needed.

Shortly, Lt. General William Sherman and the Navajo leader, Barboncito, agreed to a new treaty. The Navajo were allowed to return to their homeland. It had to be a bleak and discouraging return. All was in ruins — except the land. Never hospitable, it seemed to welcome them home. With the government issue of sheep in 1869, the Navajo tribe began reemerging.

It was a slow and painful rebirth and growth fraught with many difficulties. Overgrazing and lack of rain caused most of the difficulties. Stock reductions were necessary. Food and jobs were scarce. Disease was a serious threat. Still, their numbers increased markedly, from approximately 12,000 in 1869 to approximately 35,000 in the early 1930s.

According to Don Dedera, it was not until World War II that the Navajo’s lot seemed to improve significantly, if only temporarily. About 3,600 Navajos were in the military and another 15,000 in the defense industry. After the war, however, jobs dropped to about 600 while the population soared to 60,000. The reservation boasted only 460 hospital beds and 95 miles of paved road. Only 6,000 of 20,000 school age-children actually attended school.

Today conditions are much improved but still fall well below the standards that most Americans enjoy. Although the reservation paved highways traverse much of the Reservation, lateral roads are frequently impassable in wet and winter months. Often the Arizona Air National Guard and other state agencies are called upon to airlift food and other supplies to cut-off families. Hay drops are not uncommon. Helicopter evacuation of the sick is often necessary.

However, industry is growing. The Peabody Coal Company is a major employer. Timber, oil, minerals, and other natural resources are being developed, and through recent legislation, the Navajo people are realizing greater benefits from their land than ever before. Conditions are still far from ideal, however.

The schools are excellent. However, because of the size of the reservation and the greatly scattered population, long-distance day and boarding schools are required. Today, school enrollment includes over one half of the population. Literacy is still well below the national average, and most children do not continue beyond the 8th grade. However, compared to conditions two generations ago, progress is not only evident but also impressive. Although unemployment is often quoted at approximately 50 percent, it is still better than 600 jobs for a population of 60,000 at the end of World War II. Families then used the buckboard and two horses for transportation; today that sight is a rarity, and a pickup truck the norm.

Progress and improvement in living conditions is, in truth, rapid. But for those experiencing the hardships of Reservation living, that progress is simply not evident or painfully slow.

Throughout this period of history, one thing has remained constant — the unique and beautiful Navajo weaving. These hardy people adopted weaving techniques from their Pueblo neighbors. From then on, the development of style, pattern, and quality was uniquely theirs. (The influence of the traders will be discussed shortly.) You can see, even in the earliest of blankets, excellence of design and uniformity. In remarking on the tightness of the weave, early authors often exclaimed that the blankets “would hold water.” Today’s fine, tight tapestries, beautiful rugs, and wall hangings are an extension of this early period. Many variations, changes, and styles have come and gone. The next section details how these styles developed chronologically. It is not exhaustive; for much greater detail, consult some of the excellent references listed at the end of this paper.

Early Weaving or Early Classic Period (to 1804)

The Navajo almost certainly began weaving shortly after arriving in the Four Corners area in the homeland of the Anasazi. Undoubtedly, the “belt loom” was the original loom adopted from their Pueblo dwelling neighbors. The year 1650 is generally accepted as when the Navajo’s shifted to the vertical or upright loom. The patterns of these early works were influenced by the Spanish, the Pueblos, and the Navajo’s own ideas of beauty.

Following the Pueblo revolt of 1680, the Spanish influence waned for a few years. Once the Spanish returned, the Navajo again had access, through trade and raiding, to Churro sheep. Their weaving, once again, blossomed with even more variation of design. Navajo weaving now included designs from baskets, stepped triangles and diamonds, serrated patterns, and colorful stripes. By the beginning of the 19th century, Navajo weaving was in demand, mostly by other Indians — Navajo, as well as Utes and Cheyennes. They also traded with the Spanish in New Mexico and, through them, to Mexico and Europe. It is unfortunate that almost no examples of this period of weaving exist today.

Early Navajo weavers used wool, dyed with native, natural dyes, as well as a rewoven thread from Bayeta (bright red wool of flannel consistency from England). They unraveled other blankets and clothing and, by adding these materials to their own homespun wool, developed a beautiful variety of colors and styles.

The best-known example, reputedly the earliest Navajo weaving still in existence, is the “Massacre Cave Blanket” from Canyon de Chelly. This all-wool balnket, frequently dated at 1804, was recovered from the ruins of the massacre. It features all-natural dyes, medium and dark brown and beige on white. This blanket is regarded as marking the end of the Early Weaving or Early Classic period; it is often cited as marking the beginning of the Classic Period.

Classic Period (1804–1880)

There are few examples of Navajo weaving between 1804 and 1850, but the last 30 years of this period are well represented. Bayeta had been introduced earlier. This famous, cochineal, red dye from Mexico was popular and available, but Navajos rarely used it on homespun weavings during this period because of its expense. They did, however, use cochineal by unraveling other Mexican weavings. Saxony yarn from Europe was also popular during this period.

In the earlier portion of the period, most designs featured alternating stripes. In the later period, they combined stripes and diamonds, triangles, and zigzag lines. Occasionally, designs featured serrated, diagonal lines within a given stripe.

The Classic Period is known for blankets that were made for wearing and designed for warmth. They are soft, tight, and not heavy. Usually the weft count (number of weft threads in an inch) would exceed 40; 60 was not unusual. Often these blankets, known as “Chief’s Blankets,” were given as gifts to other Indian leaders and to American military and political authorities. Blankets were also a trade item, affordable only to the well-to-do.

It is in this context, that the latter phase of the Classic Period and the subsequent Eye Dazzler Period are further time-defined. Remember that designs from this era were used well into the 20th century. As such, design alone cannot be used to date a blanket or rug. (The designs described below are the norm; certainly, others existed.)

Phase I: Chief’s Blanket, Classic Period (from1850–1865). The designs usually include three red- and indigo-patterned stripes between broad black and white stripes. Colors vary.

Phase II: Chief’s Blanket, Classic Period (1860–1875). This represents a transition from the simple Phase I to the more elaborate Phase III. Usually the red and blue (or other color) stripes are interrupted along their length by shorter, colored bands — again, three is the most common number. These blankets have the dominant wide, alternating, black and white bands.

Phase III: Chief’s Blanket Classic Period (1875–1900). Although this pattern retains the wide black and white bands, it also features stepped triangles on the corners, sides, and ends as well as a stepped diamond in the center. Reds and blues are most common; however, a plethora of other colors are often encountered — purples, oranges, and many shades of brown. The Phase III pattern was so popular that weavers continued to use it well after the demise of the wearing blanket, simply carrying it over into rug patterns.

Heavier pieces, more suitable for rugs, probably date from 1890 to the present. Rugs of this later period, regardless of pattern, are rarely considered examples of the Classic Period. Nevertheless, they are highly collectible pieces that show the influence and carryover of design as well as the way the economy dictated techniques.

Please note that these dates are generalizations only. Some Phase I patterns were woven in the late 1890s for example. The type of wool is a better dating tool.

Eye Dazzler Period (1880–1900)

The influx of Germantown three- and four-ply yarn entered the Navajo weaving story in the 1880s. Its brilliant colors, and the Navajo weavers’ thirst for this color, added style to the sedate “Chief’s Patterns.” Germantown yarn gave birth to the “Eye Dazzler.” Brilliant reds, greens, yellows, blues, and more found their way into blankets and wall hangings.

At this same time, aniline dyes were stocked by the trading posts. These chemical dyes gave the weaver a greater variety of colors and were far easier to use.

Until 1890, most weavers created wearing blankets. However, once the Pendleton Woolen Mills introduced their product, this need ended. The Pendleton (still used today) was lighter, warmer, every bit as colorful, and much less expensive. Navajo weaving declined. It probably would have died except that non-Indian people started using Navajo blankets as floor coverings, bedspreads, and wall hangings. This new demand, coupled with pattern changes and a heavier style of weaving (largely instituted by the reservation traders), undoubtedly saved the craft.

The transition was not immediate. Germantown weavings proliferated well into the 20th century, with a definite eye to balance the pattern. This more expensive yarn was only used by the better weavers.

Early Rug Period (Late 1800s–1920)

The transition from blankets to rugs actually began in the 1880s. Although most Navajo weaving of that period was for wearing blankets, a new market for rugs and tapestries was growing. The salvation of weaving and its huge growth at the turn of the century is largely attributed to two men — Lorenzo Hubble of the Ganado Trading Post and J.B. Moore of the Crystal Trading Post. Both men envisioned a market for Navajo weaving, both had the foresight to encourage quality, and both were instrumental in developing basic designs that would complement the eastern U.S. fashion dictates of the period.

The most-often encountered rug in the late 1800s and early 1900s was the Oriental rug. It was found that the motifs of these rugs, especially the Caucasus, were well suited to the Navajo weaver’s idea of balance and pattern. Moore and Hubble incorporated these patterns. Artists Burbank and Little were commissioned by Hubble to paint rug patterns as samples. Hubble used crosses, stripes, geometry, and balanced patterns of the Oriental against a bright red aniline. He also incorporated a designed, black border.

Moore followed Hubble’s example. He even published mail-order catalogs in 1903 and 1911 for use in the eastern U.S. He, too, incorporated classic designs but preferred natural hues, with only an accent of brighter colors, usually red. Many of Moore’s hooks, angles, etc., set his patterns apart from Hubble’s geometry. Both proved very popular.

Both men had their disciples who, as the need for trading posts expanded, carried and modified these basic patterns with them as they established new posts. Of course, the local Navajo modified these patterns with their own ideas. Certain patterns became associated with specific trading posts, giving rise to the first general collector field for Navajo weaving — the regionally or geographically identified rug.

Rug popularity received a blow in the late 19th century, when the U.S. government, hoping to increase the meat production in the Navajo tribe, introduced the French Rambouillet sheep. These sheep did what they were supposed to, but their wool was too short and oily for good-quality weaving. Rugs produced from this wool were coarse, heavy, and they appeared dirty because of the oil. Rugs went downhill. The traders, to stimulate production, purchased rugs by the pound ($.30 to $1). Weavers would now produce rugs as rapidly as possible, leaving the wool as oily as possible, evening pounding in dirt to increase their weight.

The rug industry was in serious trouble at this time. This is not to say that excellent rugs were not produced during and prior to this period; they were. Processed wool from the east, such as the Germantown yarn, was used by the better weavers, who produced outstanding patterns and quality. Prices for these pieces were at a premium, while prices for “pound weavings” were quite low.

Rug Revival Period (1920–1940)

A combination of factors helped revive the Navajo weaving industry: continued demand for a good quality rug and the contribution of several farsighted people.

Several people in different areas began experimenting with vegetable dyes and vegetable-toned chemical dyes. The success of Leon McSparron and Mary Wheelright at Chinle gave not only new, softer, pastel hues to the rugs but also a new design with patterns set in bands on a borderless rug. Mrs. William Lippincott of Wide Ruins did the same with similarly outstanding results. The open, unbordered styles also pleased the Navajo weavers.

The DuPont Chemical Company experimented with developing a wider range of colors. This effort was extended even further by the Diamond Dye Company, which introduced a series of dyes called “Old Navajo.” Now the weaver had, in one package, both the mordant and the colorant. This process was faster and less dangerous than the old mixing with acids, and it produced more uniform results.

In 1934, the U.S. Department of Agriculture established the Navajo Sheep Breeding Laboratory at Ft. Wingate (near Gallup, New Mexico). Here, they developed a breed of sheep combining the high mutton-producing qualities of the Rambouillet with the better wool qualities of other breeds. The lovely, long, staple wool of the 19th century Churro sheep was, however, a thing of the past.

In addition to these developments, the high standards demanded by many traders and the public nearly eliminated the low-grade weaving associated with the “pound rug.”

Regional Style Rugs (1940–Present)

This period of weaving is characterized by specific patterns, colors, or motifs that are largely geographically oriented. Earlier, we note the strong influences of four trading centers: Lorenzo Hubble (Ganado Trading Post), J.B. Moore (Crystal Trading Post), Leon McSparron (Chinle Trading Post), and Mr. and Mrs. William Lippincott (Wide Ruins Trading Post). Other areas developed specific styles that further identified their product. Many were branches of these four trading centers; some were unique. Not all lasted from 1940 to the present, but many did, and others were created. This clearly different styling gave rise to the first geographical rug collector’s criteria, much like a mint mark for a coin collector. It also allowed collectors to predate their rugs with those of earlier periods leading to their current rug type.

As you may imagine, one regional style often blends with another. Also, a weaver living in one area can surely create a rug with a design native to another area or blended with her own. This does not affect the rug’s value. The rug is identified by its regional style, not by the location of the weaver. One of the largest and most beautiful “Two Grey Hills” rugs ever created was woven by a Navajo living in Morenci, Arizona — over 200 miles south of the Reservation.

Today, according to one reference, only about 25 percent of all rugs tend to be regional in identification; 40 percent are classified as “General” (See table below). Still, any rug made after 1940 can be classified as “Regional Style” because this period signified the regional development of pattern and color that created the collector field we know today. Also, the blending of the “regional” patterns and colors produced some extremely valuable “general” patterns of today.

There are fewer weavers today, as a percentage of the Navajo population, than 90 years ago; tomorrow there will be even fewer than today. The reason, of course, is economics. Although the prices of rugs have increased enormously, the amount of time involved in weaving one still makes the art much less than cost-effective. This is not true for the well known, award winning, weavers that dot the reservation. For them, the art is rewarding and, for those aspiring to greatness, these rewards are very attainable. For this reason, Navajo weaving is not a dying art; rather, it is becoming a very selective, highly competitive one.

So how long does it take to make a Navajo rug? Quoting from Gilbert S. Maxwell, author of Navajo Rugs, Past, Present and Future,

“A dealer friend of mine once placed an expert Navajo weaver on his payroll for $1 an hour. For her, he bought handspun vegetable dye yarns. He told the woman to do two pieces of weaving: a better than average, twill weave, double saddle blanket (30 x 60 inches), and a 3 x 5 foot quality rug. The saddle blanket was completed in 140 hours and the rug in 238 hours! And this I would remind you was straight weaving time — not spare time.”

“If this weaver had shorn, washed, carded, spun and dyed her own wool, my friend conservatively estimates that it would have taken another 200* hours.”

(* These 200 hours would undoubtedly be for both rugs together.)

We believe that today, this work would take about one-third less time. Still the number of hours involved is staggering. We once asked Mary Lou Curtis, a fine weaver from Leupp, Arizona, how long it took her to make a 2.5 x 4 foot, Ganado-style rug she had just sold us for $300 cash and $100 trade. Her response: “About 3 weeks, but I didn’t weave all the time.” Note that if the weaver uses vegetable dyes and picks the plants herself, time and cost would increase.

Conclusion

This article has been general in nature. Our goal was to place the development of weaving into the context of Navajo history. Today, we note a trend among the better weavers to blend two or more regional styles in a single weaving. Many of these works are truly magnificent, and they are gathering today’s top competitive awards.

In closing, we invite you to compare a fine Navajo weaving with a fine oil painting. Few object to a price tag in the high hundreds to the thousands of dollars for a painting. But many remark, “Why is that ‘rug’ so high, it’s only wool?” If this were true, then a painting would merely be oil and canvas. The time involved in creating a beautiful art piece in wool is, undoubtedly, greater. An artist can paint over an error on a canvas, but a weaving error is far more difficult (or impossible) to remove. If you run out of paint, you can buy more. If you run out of a particular color yarn, on the other hand, it will probably be impossible to dye another batch in exactly the same shade.

Fortunately, Navajo weaving has become recognized as a major art form, not only in the U.S., but also in Europe and Asia. The future bodes well for Navajo weaving artists and those who collect their work.

Recommended Reading

Indian Blankets and Their Makers, George Wharton James, Rio Grande Press, Inc. Glorietta, NM, 1974 (first published in 1927).

Posts and Rugs, H.L. James, Southwest Parks and Monuments Association, Globe, AZ, 1976, 1979.

Navajo Rugs: Past, Present and Future, Gilbert S. Maxwell. Bell West Publications, Palm Desert, CA. First printing Nov. 1963, 15th printing August 1973.

Navajo Rugs: How to Find, Evaluate, Buy and Care for Them, Don Dedera. Northland Press, Flagstaff, AZ, first printing, 1975, 3rd printing 1979.

Southwestern Weaving, Marian E. Rodee. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, NM, 1977