Hopi Kachinas: Their Significance in Ceremony and Art

An article by Lee Anderson

People tend to think of kachinas as wooden carvings of masked, human figures they see for sale at trading posts, galleries, and fairs. Or they know that kachinas are often offered as gifts to people in the tribe. But what do these carvings mean? Why are they created?

First, kachinas (note that this word has various spellings) are a part of all the Arizona and New Mexico Pueblo peoples. The Hopi and, to a lesser extent, the Zuni, have a remarkably detailed, codified kachina cult that is practiced to this day. Today’s ceremonies, as well as those of years ago, are deemed essential to a properly balanced life. Certain aspects of their ceremonies are secret and are closed even to some tribal members; others are open — in some cases, even to non-tribal visitors.

This article will concentrate on Hopi kachinas — the most involved and complex of all. The carving of Hopi kachinas is now a world-recognized art form of the highest order.

The Original Kachinas — Ancestral Beings

The first Hopi to enter the surface world encountered Massau’u (the Earth God, skeleton, or “death kachina”). As keeper of the earth, his permission was needed to allow the emerging Hopi to live there. The Hopi, and the several kachinas they encountered, entered into a mutual living partnership. The original kachinas were supernatural spirits and beings. These mostly benevolent entities taught the Hopi the skills they needed to live and prosper in this severe environment — how to hunt, make tools, and most importantly, live in harmony with the earth. By living properly, the Hopi would be blessed with moisture and agricultural fertility. The kachinas also taught the Hopi how to heal sickness, properly discipline those “out of harmony,” offer gratitude to the spiritual forces, and ask these forces for help.

Although the kachinas eventually left their villages, they left the people with skills they needed to live and the techniques to maintain harmony within the community and with the kachinas. These original kachinas are often described as “ancestral beings.”

The Kachina in Ceremony

The ceremonies that the Hopi conduct to honor these spirits are quite varied. All occur during the time of needed agricultural fertility — from the end of December’s ceremonies, through the Powamu (Bean Dance) in February, to the Niman (Going Home Dance) in July. These ceremonies retain the balance and close harmony between the Hopi people and the spiritual kachinas. This harmony is necessary to insure snow in the winter and rain in the spring, which in turn insures a good harvest and other desired blessings.

The Hopi who participate in these ceremonies dress in regalia that is designed to identify a particular spiritual kachina. The “case mask,” worn by the participant, is believed to contain the spiritual essence of the actual kachina; it is quite sacred and cared for accordingly. The remainder of the costume is designed to retain historical reverence. Hence, there are individual and village variations, all quite acceptable. When dressed as a specific kachina in the ceremonial dance, the Hopi is no longer just a person, nor is he considered to be a kachina. He is, instead, a spiritual intermediary because he wears the case mask. His actions during the ceremony transmit the supplications and prayers of the people to the kachina spirits in the sky.

The Emergence of an Art Form

Carvings were originally designed as gifts or competitive awards. They were not toys; they were valued possessions designed to keep the recipient aware of the spiritual forces that make up his world. Because these carvings were not spiritual in themselves, they were occasionally traded or sold. Soon the outside world started collecting them, creating a new source of income for the Hopi. The earlier carvings, prior to 1930, were simple, devoid of action and rather plain. (These are now rare and command a substantial premium.)

Carvings following the Great Depression and through WWII reflected more detail, with adornments such as kilts, bows and arrows, yucca whips, etc. Between WWII and the 1960s, the kachinas slowly evolved into the full-action, anatomically accurate carvings that were the true beginning of today’s collector interest. Since 1970, we have seen a revolution in quality, detail, and price. Carvings today are often lifelike, with fingernail and tooth detail. Some are impressionistic sculpture style; others retain the historic presence. All are collectible. One of Wilmer Kaye’s kachina carvings sold for over $30,000.

Remember that the Hopi kachina cult has existed for several hundred years. What once was a rather simple duality (the spiritual kachina had influence over the depicted being or event) is now a rather complex intermeshing of spirit and reality. For example, the Deer kachina is no longer just the spiritual essence of the deer; rather, he is, in association with other animal kachinas, a rain-bringing kachina. This is not only in the Hopi’s best interest, but it also insures a propagation of the various animals. The Hopi kachina cult (some refer to it as a religion) is ever-evolving. So, too, are the kachina carvings.

Further Readings

This is only a brief overview of a highly detailed and lengthy subject. We recommend Barton Wright’s fine book, Hopi Kachinas. There are many other books on kachinas; some approach the subject in great detail, while others primarily show pictures. It is a fascinating subject.

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Caring For Your Jewelry

As with any other fine jewelry, exercise care in protecting your investment and your selection of authentic Indian jewelry will bring you enjoyment for years to come.

Turquoise. Turquoise is a porous stone. In even the hardest turquoise, deposits collecting in the pores of the stone can cause a color change. Therefore, care should be taken to protect the stones from oils, grease and chemicals. Always remove rings and bracelets before washing dishes or doing dirty work. Hand lotion can change the color of a stone. In addition, it is wise to avoid the use of chemical silver polishes with Indian jewelry that includes stones or has intentionally oxidized areas as part of its design.

Other Stones & Settings. The same care should also be taken with other stones (including coral, spiny oyster, etc) in Native American jewelry, as liquids can affect the setting and cause stones to loosen.

Coral. Coral should never be subjected to liquid cleaning solvents or extreme heat — it can turn white.

Polishing & Cleaning. You will want to polish your jewelry using a soft jeweler’s cloth (found in hardware stores or jewelry stores). When not in use, storing in a zip lock bag can help delay tarnishing. Silver tarnishes less with frequent wearing.

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The History of American Indian Jewelry

An article by Lee Anderson

“Indian jewelry,” as we call it today, probably has origins that predate the advent of the persons we describe as American Indians or Native Americans. However, for the purpose of this paper, we will consider prehistoric man as prehistoric Indian. Archeological evidence shows us that stones (including turquoise), shells, and fetishes predate the Christian (epoch). Turquoise found in Hohokam excavations in southern Arizona dates back to 200 B.C. Likewise, turquoise from central Mexico dates back to about 600–700 B.C.; from South America, ca. 900 B.C. Other beads are even earlier. Since Indian jewelry and turquoise are so closely associated, this paper will discuss both.

Turquoise, as a mineral deposit, is isolated to a rather limited geographical area in the Southwestern U.S. Some — very little — is found in Mexico, and there are some deposits in western South America. We will concentrate on that found in the U.S.

Prehistoric Indians mined turquoise and turned it into jewelry — primarily drilled beads and other hanging ornaments. However, archeological findings include appliqué on shell and other rock, which means that turquoise was probably used with wood for ear decoration as well (the wood would have deteriorated). Extensive evidence of prehistoric mining operations has been found in several areas: the Cerillos and Burro Mountain regions of New Mexico, the Kingman and Morenci regions of Arizona, and the Conejos area of Colorado. Turquoise jewelry found in southern Mexico and in excavated mounds east of the Mississippi has been identified as originating from New Mexico’s Cerillos mining area. This article focuses on Southwestern mining localities.

Turquoise has been dominant in jewelry finds; for example, several thousand pieces were found in Chaco Canyon. However, it is not the only important jewelry find. The spiny oyster shell Spondylus princeps originates in only one area of the Western Hemisphere — off the coast of Baja California. This shell has been found in abundance in archeological excavations of the Anasazi, Mogollon, and Hohokam of the desert Southwest. It has also been found in the same eastern mound excavations where turquoise was found. These finds not only prove early and prehistoric man’s interest in, and use of, jewelry, but it reveals important economic information. It shows the existence of trading in his lifestyle. It also provides a glimpse into probable status levels of these people.

One might argue that this historical context has little to do with the development of Indian jewelry as we know it. However, as some (the Hopi and Pueblo cultures of the Rio Grande) are indeed descendants of the Anasazi and, as many believe, from the Mogollon and Mimbres. So it seems to be a valid beginning of a historic tracing. The Navajo, on the other hand, entered the area fairly recently — some say as early as the 14th century; others, as late as the early 16th. The Navajo, whenever they arrived, were undoubtedly influenced by the existing Pueblo cultures and (later) the early Spanish. As we will see, the Navajo were instrumental in spreading this craft to other Southwest tribes.

The Navajo were nomadic within their Dinetah or homeland. They were farmers only to the extent of planting a crop, leaving it to the vagaries of the weather, and eventually returning to reap the harvest, if any. They and their Apache cousins could be likened to the early Mongols of the 12th and 13th centuries. They not only raided but also took, kept, and developed whatever suited them. Beaded necklaces (a symbol of prestige), decorated “ketoh” (bow guards), and concha/concho likely originated from their most frequent conquests, the Spanish and their Pueblo neighbors.

The Navajo were in constant contact — sometimes hostile, sometimes friendly — with the Spanish as they populated the Southwest from the late 16th century on. From these people, the Indians developed a great appreciation for personal adornment. Some of the early Spanish designs such as the Moorish inspired crescent and the pomegranate blossom became key to Navajo jewelry design. This is discussed later in the section on the origin of the Squash Blossom necklace.

In time, the Spanish became dominant in the area. Although raids continued into the 19th century, the period was better described as one of “suspicious-cautious coexistence.” It was a 200-plus-year period of close association and sharing of the best of several cultures. The Navajo wore ornaments they obtained from those they conquered and from their trading partners. These ornaments were made from German silver (a copper-nickel-zinc substance that was bright and wore well), copper, brass and to a much lesser extent, silver. They learned to appreciate and hold dear the symbols of their prowess or their wealth. The early Navajos’ wearing a cross or the crescent-shaped naja on a rawhide necklace was likely an ornament of beauty and pride, not a reflection of their appreciation for Christianity or for the Moorish influence on the Spanish. If one person had such an ornament, others wanted one —if possible, something even better. Thus the pendant cross evolved, as did the naja, into a multitude of variations and blends. The simple thong on which they were displayed gave way to stone, shell, silver, or other metal beads.

The studies vary regarding the actual date that the Navajo began making silver jewelry. The two best works are by John Adair; subsequent research and writings are by Carl Rosnek and Joseph Stacy (see suggested reading list). All seem to agree that Atsidi Sani (“Old Smith”) was the accepted first Navajo silversmith. He learned the blacksmith trade in the early 1850s and possibly even dabbled in silver in the early 1860s.

After much warfare, the Navajo were captured by the U.S. Cavalry and marched into captivity in 1864. Approximately 8000, including Atsidi Sani, were sent to Fort Sumner in eastern New Mexico, where they were weaned from a nomadic, warlike lifestyle and taught to be farmers. The experiment failed and in 1868 they were returned to the Four Corners area, the Dinetah. Although many accept 1868, including the great Navajo leader of the time, Chee Dodge, as the year Atsidi Sani learned silver making, some evidence suggests that this is not wholly correct. Major Henry Wallen, the Commandant of Fort Sumner in 1864, made the tantalizing comment, “Some of them are quite clever as silversmiths.” Of course he may have mistaken German silver for real silver. In any event, Atsidi Sani wears the mantle as the first Navajo silversmith.

The early Navajo silver work concentrated on concha (concho) belts, bracelets, bow guards, tobacco flasks and necklaces. Rings, earrings, pins, hair ornaments, buckles and bolos evolved from these. A full line of silver jewelry existed throughout the reservation by the 1880s.

The earliest Navajo work consisted of hammered work with file decoration. Turquoise, a very popular and much respected stone by the Navajo, appeared in silver jewelry around 1880. It is important to note that turquoise, as a jewelry item, had existed for centuries. It had been used in combination with other stones, shells, and metals long before 1880. However, the early Indians glued or otherwise attached the turquoise to the stone, shell or metal. It is known that Mexican silversmiths (plateros) toured the pueblos and Navajo enclaves in the early to mid 1800s selling and trading silver jewelry for Indian products. This is the likely origin of silver ornamentation in the Indian possession prior to about 1860. It is fairly certain that there was no indigenous Navajo or pueblo silver industry.

Early Navajo smiths used Mexican and U.S. coins for their silver. Often, if they were given a special order from a trader, local rancher, or businessman, they would receive silver in the form of candlesticks, tea pots, etc. to melt for their work. The Navajo preferred to use melted Mexican silver coins because they were easiest to work (.90275 fine). The next preferable source was whatever sterling silver was available (.9025 fine). Least desirable, but most available and durable, was silver from melted U.S. coins (.900 fine). In 1890, the U.S. made it unlawful to melt or deface (by soldering on hooks, eyes, jump rings or by “doming”) coins for beads. However, this was difficult to enforce, and U.S. coinage continued to be used in the developing Navajo silver industry. Now that there was a demand for materials and tools, the reservation traders began to stock many of the needed items. Although the Navajo were able to make flux from native materials, the commercial flux was superior. Likewise, commercial cutting, grinding, and fine polishing tools were more desirable than homemade ones. This was the beginning of a new economy involving the Indians, traders, and eastern suppliers.

Very shortly after Atsidi Sani began silversmithing, the craft spread across the area. He taught his sons and they taught others. The craft appeared in Zuni around 1872. Atsidi Chon (Ugly Smith) taught his close Zuni friend, Lanyade, the skills. The Zuni were already skilled in metalworking, making items in copper, brass, and iron. Research shows that a forge existed in Zuni in 1852. It is reported (see Rosneck and Stacy) that Lanyade paid Atsidi Chon “one good horse” for his instruction.

Lanyade learned the trade well. He began touring the various pueblos selling his jewelry. While on Hopi First Mesa at Sichomovi, he taught the first Hopi silversmith, Sikyatala, the skills. Since Lanyade was taught by a Navajo and the Hopi were taught by Lanyade, all the jewelry of the period was Navajo in style. As a side note, this is why provenance (history of origin-ownership) is so important for 19th century jewelry in properly identifying its origin. It’s too easy to say that because it looks like Navajo work it is therefore of Navajo origin.

During these early years, the use of solder was learned and developed, as was the skills of making silver dies. Soldering permitted the artistic and permanent joining of two or more metal pieces, resulting in a multitude of design possibilities and the ability to set stones. Die making was probably adopted from the many leather tooling dies used by Spanish, Mexican, and later Indians, to work both leather and tin.

As the years progressed, the styles that were basically of Navajo origin were gradually modified by their pueblo students. For example, the Zuni, since prehistoric times, were excellent lapidaries. These skills slowly changed their work to the fine and channel inlay we now associate with them. However, the Hopi change occurred a bit more abruptly. In 1938, the Museum of Northern Arizona in Flagstaff, Arizona, working with Hopi silversmiths Paul Saufkie and Fred Kabote, began a program of developing a style that was exclusively Hopi. The work was interrupted by World War II. Following the war, a government grant helped a silversmith training program with the Hopi Guild. The “overlay” technique they created involved the cutting of designs in a heavy gauge silver sheet and then soldering this to a solid silver sheet. The designs were usually adapted from the pottery shards found in the Sikyatki Pueblo ruins of the 15th and 16th centuries. These pre-Hopi designs were mostly bird motifs. The Hopi Guild also used kachina symbols, animal and clan motifs.

Today’s Indian silversmiths are, in many cases, also goldsmiths and lapidaries. They cross tribal design boundaries with will and abandon. No longer can you look at a piece and say, “It’s Zuni style so it must be Zuni-made.” The artist of today may incorporate into a single piece all the styles available, plus his or her own innovation. Indian jewelry today transcends tribal styles.

References / Recommended Readings 

John Adair, The Navajo and Pueblo Silversmiths, University of Oklahoma Press, 1944.

Margery Bedinger, Indian Silver, Navajo and Pueblo Jewelers, University of New Mexico Press, 1973.

M.G. Brown, Blue Gold, The Turquoise Story, Main Street Press, Anaheim, CA, 1975.

Larry Frank, Indian Silver Jewelry of the Southwest, Schiffer Publishing Ltd., Westchester, Pennsylvania, 1990.

The International Turquoise Annuals, vol. I and II, 1975 and 1976 (only two published) Impart Pub, Reno, NV. Note in vol. I the article on pages 31–55 by D. Allen Penick, “Turquoise, the Mineral that’s an Accident.”

Carl Rosnek and Joseph Stacy, Skystone and Silver, Prentice Hall, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1976.

Joseph E. Poque, Ph.D, The Turquoise, A report to the National Academy of Science, vol. XII, Second and Third Memoir, 1915. Reprinted in 1974 by Rio Grande Press, Inc., Glorieta, NM. (This reprint includes a foreword and details on Southwestern turquoise mines by Rex Arrowsmith and an excellent reference list. )

Stuart A. Northrop, Turquoise and Spanish Mines in New Mexico, University of New Mexico, Press, 1975.

Stuart A. Northrop, David L. Newman, David H. Snow, Turquoise, reprinted by General Printing and Paper Co., Topeka, KS. A reprint from El Palacio, vol. 79, No. 1, 1973, Museum of New Mexico.

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The Squash Blossom Necklace

An article by Lee Anderson

When Indian jewelry is mentioned, the symbol that often comes to mind is the squash blossom necklace — the cornerstone of most Indian jewelry collections. However, most people who own one or more pieces have no idea of its origin or meaning.

Early Influences

This particular art object is truly an Indian creation. However, it developed slowly and has roots deep in non-Indian culture and history. The principle part of the necklace is the crescent-shaped pendant, which the Southwestern Indians first saw as iron ornaments on the horse bridles of the Spanish Conquistadors in the late 1500s and early 1600s. Captured or traded, these ornaments soon graced the necks of the local Indian populace. Their acquisition was a matter of pride and the ornament, reproduced in the various metals, was proudly displayed during ceremonials. These pendants, originally brought from Spain, reflected the influence of earlier Moorish conquests and the occupation of Spain. As generations came and went, the pendant, referred to as a najahe or naja, became symbolic with various ceremonials. Since most ceremonials were related to the agricultural cycle, the naja was associated with crop fertility.

Once silver beads came into fashion around 1880, what more logical place was there to display the naja? However, the earlier acquired najas were undoubtedly hung around the owner’s neck by a simple thong. The first beads were large, non-ornamental and round. From these, more complicated beads — fluted and oval — developed. Often, dimes and quarters were fastened to a silver shank and strung between the beads. Occasionally, these coins were domed, filled, and made into beads.

The necklace we now call the squash blossom probably didn’t originate much before 1880. It was not mentioned by Washington Mathews in his Navajo Silversmiths Second Annual Report, 1880–1881. Arthur Woodard, in 1938, pointed out that the Navajo and Zuni beads were originally Spanish-Mexican trouser and jacket ornaments, fashioned to resemble the pomegranate, a common Spanish decorator motif, often carved or painted on missions in Mexico and worn on clothing. Early Navajo “squash blossom” beads show a striking similarity to the Mexican ornament and the pomegranate. Still, despite the similarities, there is quite a bit of doubt that the Navajo attempted to depict this blossom in his bead.

The “Bead That Spreads Out”

The Navajo word for the “squash blossom” bead is yo ne maze disya gi, which means simply “bead that spreads out.” Nothing in the word denoted squash or pomegranate blossom. Perhaps the word was coined by a white man who, asking a Navajo what the bead represented (the white man is obsessed with what something means — he is rarely satisfied that something is simply attractive), was told that it looked like a squash blossom (the Navajo understands the white man’s obsession and often attempts to satisfy it as painlessly as possible). It is doubtful that the Navajo intended that the bead represent a squash blossom.

All have tended to portray the necklace in a crop-fertility light. The Indian ceremonials dealt largely with the agricultural cycle, and the first jewelry was worn during these occasions. In addition, the beads and chain looked like pomegranates or squash blossoms.

The squash blossom necklace serves as a reminder of the close interaction between the Pueblo and Navajo Indians since the mid 1800s. The necklace itself is Navajo, adopted by the Zuni. Yet the incorporation of turquoise on each of the blossoms is an advent of the Zuni, later adopted by the Navajo. Unfortunately, there is little historical documentation on this subject.

References / Recommended Readings

John Adair, The Navajo and Pueblo Silversmiths, University of Oklahoma Press, 1944.

Margery Bedinger, Indian Silver, Navajo and Pueblo Jewelers, University of New Mexico Press, 1973.

M.G. Brown, Blue Gold, The Turquoise Story, Main Street Press, Anaheim, CA, 1975.

Larry Frank, Indian Silver Jewelry of the Southwest, Schiffer Publishing Ltd., Westchester, Pennsylvania, 1990.

The International Turquoise Annuals, vol. I and II, 1975 and 1976 (only two published) Impart Pub, Reno, NV. Note in vol. I the article on pages 31–55 by D. Allen Penick, “Turquoise, the Mineral that’s an Accident.”

Carl Rosnek and Joseph Stacy, Skystone and Silver, Prentice Hall, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1976.

Joseph E. Poque, Ph.D, The Turquoise, A report to the National Academy of Science, vol. XII, Second and Third Memoir, 1915. Reprinted in 1974 by Rio Grande Press, Inc., Glorieta, NM. (This reprint includes a foreword and details on Southwestern turquoise mines by Rex Arrowsmith and an excellent reference list. )

Stuart A. Northrop, Turquoise and Spanish Mines in New Mexico, University of New Mexico, Press, 1975.

Stuart A. Northrop, David L. Newman, David H. Snow, Turquoise, reprinted by General Printing and Paper Co., Topeka, KS. A reprint from El Palacio, vol. 79, No. 1, 1973, Museum of New Mexico.

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Turquoise in Indian Jewelry

An article by Lee Anderson

Turquoise has been native to jewelry in the Southwest for over 2000 years. Then, as now, the stone was deeply appreciated and revered. No doubt, the prehistoric Indians and the ancestors of our current Native Americans ascribed a multitude of properties to this stone.

Pima of Southern Arizona

According to the Pima, turquoise was a talisman of good fortune and strength to renounce ailments. However, if you lost a turquoise you would be afflicted by a physical ailment treatable only by a Medicine Man.

Zuni

The Zuni believed the blue turquoise was male and of the sky, and that green was female and of the earth. Most Zuni fetishes were either made of turquoise or had turquoise properties such as eyes, mouths, or attachments of turquoise, to give it more power. Turquoise was powerful and important to most early ceremonials.

Rio Grande Pueblos

Most Rio Grande Pueblos believed that turquoise color was stolen from the sky and preserved in stone. Their most precious idols were adorned with turquoise. They also use turquoise for good fortune

Hopi

The Hopi have many traditions regarding turquoise. They, like their Rio Grande Pueblo and Zuni contemporaries, adorn their most important fetishes with turquoise to enhance their powers. In one legend, turquoise is the excrement of lizards, an animal that is greatly respected for his above- and below-world connections. The Hopi believed that turquoise can hold back floods, a common problem in the desert Southwest.

Apache

The Apache felt attaching turquoise to a gun or a bow will cause the weapon to shoot straight. It brought rain and could be found at the end of all rainbows. It was key to the strength of their medicine men.

Navajo

Wearing turquoise brings good fortune and insures favor with the Yeis, who mediate between man and the supernatural. When thrown into a river with the proper ceremonies, turquoise will help bring rain. Turquoise is offered to the Wind Spirit to appease him; the Navajo myth is that when the wind is blowing, it is searching for turquoise. The Navajo carve fetishes out of turquoise for increased powers and fortunes. Turquoise is the sacred stone and color of the south and the upper world. The “Sacred Mountain of the South,” Mt. Taylor near Grants, New Mexico, is made from a mixture of turquoise and earth. The mountains are inhabited by Turquoise Girl. Suffice to say, turquoise plays many roles in of their healing ceremonies and sand paintings.

The Southwestern Indians use an abundance of turquoise in their jewelry. Some of the turquoise is of exceptional quality and some is not even turquoise. Most range between these extremes.

References / Recommended Readings

John Adair, The Navajo and Pueblo Silversmiths, University of Oklahoma Press, 1944.

Margery Bedinger, Indian Silver, Navajo and Pueblo Jewelers, University of New Mexico Press, 1973.

M.G. Brown, Blue Gold, The Turquoise Story, Main Street Press, Anaheim, CA, 1975

Larry Frank, Indian Silver Jewelry of the Southwest, Schiffer Publishing Ltd., Westchester, Pennsylvania, 1990.

The International Turquoise Annuals, vol. I and II, 1975 and 1976 (only two published) Impart Pub, Reno, NV. Note in vol. I the article on pages 31–55 by D. Allen Penick, “Turquoise, the Mineral that’s an Accident.”

Carl Rosnek and Joseph Stacy, Skystone and Silver, Prentice Hall, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1976.

Joseph E. Poque, Ph.D, The Turquoise, A report to the National Academy of Science, vol. XII, Second and Third Memoir, 1915. Reprinted in 1974 by Rio Grande Press, Inc., Glorieta, NM. (This reprint includes a foreword and details on Southwestern turquoise mines by Rex Arrowsmith and an excellent reference list. )

Stuart A. Northrop, Turquoise and Spanish Mines in New Mexico, University of New Mexico, Press, 1975.

Stuart A. Northrop, David L. Newman, David H. Snow, Turquoise, reprinted by General Printing and Paper Co., Topeka, KS. A reprint from El Palacio, vol. 79, No. 1, 1973, Museum of New Mexico.

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How the Quality of Turquoise Affects Its Use in Jewelry

An article by Lee Anderson

What is the best turquoise for jewelry? The answer is, “it depends on the type of jewelry you desire.”

Gem Grade and Rare

If the piece is to be one-of-a-kind, competition, top-investment-quality, the turquoise should be gem grade and rare. The stone should compliment the artist and the gold or silver work. The cost can exceed $40 per carat.

Gem Grade

Very high quality jewelry, also suitable for investment, requires gem-grade turquoise — but not necessarily rare stones. Such stones are beautiful but not as costly ($10 to $20 per carat). They are equal to one-of-a-kind stones in every respect but one — rarity. A breathtakingly beautiful spider web cabochon of Chinese or Tibetan turquoise can cost considerably less than a gem-quality piece of Lander or Lone Mountain turquoise, for example.

Very High  to High Grade

In some cases, the goal is to produce, in quantity, high-quality jewelry at a price that the top 25 percent of the market can readily afford. For this goal, a very-high-grade to high-grade turquoise, properly selected for color, matrix balance, etc., is appropriate. This turquoise should cost about $5 to $7 per carat.

Jewelry Quality, High Quality, and Investment Quality

Most natural turquoise jewelry is made from stones classified as jewelry, high, and investment quality. These stones are good, they have nice luster, but they are not hard enough to preclude long-term color change. They are too good to stabilize and should please nearly everyone. Their cost will be $2 to $5 per carat.

Good Quality (Stabilized)

Jewelry made from many matched cabochons or pieces of inlay nearly always uses good quality turquoise that is stabilized so the color will not change. A beautiful inlay or needle-point necklace will loose its appeal if the turquoise near the wearer’s neck begins turning green while the remainder remains sky blue. This color change may occur as the turquoise absorbs skin oils. Good, stabilized turquoise is usually sold by the pound since so much is wasted in cutting and grinding. In this case, the value of the turquoise is simply part of the value of the artwork and overall material cost for the piece.

Good to Average, Mine Run, and Stock Qualities (Stabilized)

These stones are used for carving and craft shop jewelry. By and large, this is an extremely valuable area economically. It is estimated that over 70 percent of Indian craftspersons, either individually or as shop workers, use this type turquoise. The result is a beautifully balanced piece that is priced remarkably low for the craftsmanship involved. This is the quality of turquoise that created the Indian jewelry market as we know it today. This stone typically sells for approximately $80 per troy pound, but better color can double this cost.

Low Quality (Stabilized)

The lowest qualities —chalk, chip stock, and bulk — must be stabilized to be used. Often this turquoise is “color shot”— in other words, artificially colored. Much of it is used for assembly-line manufacturing, machine stamped work, etc. It, too, has a place in the market: It is sterling silver, it is turquoise, and it portrays the “Santa Fe look” at a remarkably low price. Many collectors get their start here; they like the look and become interested in the whole field. As they learn more, their tastes change, almost always upward. This type of turquoise costs $20 to $30 a pound.

Fake and Synthetic

This turquoise is often found in “Indian” jewelry made overseas. It, too, is available in the U.S., and is used by some Indians. It has a place in the market also, as long as you view it from the standpoint of art and craftsmanship. Look at the jewelry as you would a painting. Don’t look for material value…only the value of the art…the creation. Fake and synthetic turquoise costs about the same as chip stock or bulk stabilized turquoise.

As you can see, turquoise values range dramatically, and it’s not always easy to apply a value… even though it is easy to establish a cost. In other words, value often exceeds cost because of the artwork and craftsmanship involved. Sometimes we must view turquoise in the same way we view an oil painting. The individual components have little or no value individually, but as a whole, the artwork has significant value.

References / Recommended Readings

John Adair, The Navajo and Pueblo Silversmiths, University of Oklahoma Press, 1944

Margery Bedinger, Indian Silver, Navajo and Pueblo Jewelers, University of New Mexico Press, 1973.

M.G. Brown, Blue Gold, The Turquoise Story, Main Street Press, Anaheim, CA, 1975.

Larry Frank, Indian Silver Jewelry of the Southwest, Schiffer Publishing Ltd., Westchester, Pennsylvania, 1990.

The International Turquoise Annuals, vol. I and II, 1975 and 1976 (only two published) Impart Pub, Reno, NV. Note in vol. I the article on pages 31–55 by D. Allen Penick, “Turquoise, the Mineral that’s an Accident.”

Carl Rosnek and Joseph Stacy, Skystone and Silver, Prentice Hall, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1976.

Joseph E. Poque, Ph.D, The Turquoise, A report to the National Academy of Science, vol. XII, Second and Third Memoir, 1915. Reprinted in 1974 by Rio Grande Press, Inc., Glorieta, NM. (This reprint includes a foreword and details on Southwestern turquoise mines by Rex Arrowsmith and an excellent reference list. )

Stuart A. Northrop, Turquoise and Spanish Mines in New Mexico, University of New Mexico, Press, 1975.

Stuart A. Northrop, David L. Newman, David H. Snow, Turquoise, reprinted by General Printing and Paper Co., Topeka, KS. A reprint from El Palacio, vol. 79, No. 1, 1973, Museum of New Mexico.

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Stones Used In American Indian Jewelry

An article by Lee Anderson

This article explores stones (other than turquoise) that are commonly used in Indian jewelry: coral, sugilite, charoite, and gaspeite. To learn more about turquoise, read Lee Anderson’s articles.

Coral

Created by colonies of the marine coral polyp, coral is a calcium carbonate combined with magnesium. Originally, the best red coral came from the Mediterranean, but pollution and over-harvesting has greatly reduced that source. Today, most top-quality intense red coral comes from the Sea of Japan. It is sometimes referred to as “Mora coral.” Generally, the deeper the color, the higher the value, although this axiom must be tempered by the presence, if any, of impurities, holes, fissures, etc. Also, the pink-colored, delicate “angel skin” coral and creamy orange coral have become popular; the highest grades are also expensive.

The highest grades of “ox blood” (intense red) coral can easily be $80 per carat and higher for rarer, large pieces. Coral should never be subjected to liquid cleaning solvents or extreme heat. It can turn white.

Sugilite

An alkali of iron, aluminum, manganese, lithium, and water, sugilite ranges from a yellow-brown in Japan to a beautiful, deep purple in the Kalahari Desert of southern Africa. The African sugilite is used in jewelry. Sugilite has been registered under the trade names Royal Azul and Royal Lavulite. This stone ranges from an attractive light purple with deeper purple inclusions to a gem-grade that can best be described as solid “grape jelly.” Values range from a few dollars per carat for the lighter shades to $80 a carat for the stones with the deepest and purest color. Also, like coral, larger cabachons of the highest grade are quite scarce and prices for these are even higher.

Note that sugilite looks like the beautiful (and also purple) spiny oyster shell Spondylous princips. A magnifying glass will reveal “lines” in the spiny oyster shell specimen. Also, a scratch test with a needle or sharp knife will easily be seen on spiny oyster shell, but not on sugilite. Sugilite can also be confused with charoite, discussed below.

Charoite

This popular purple stone is only found near the Chara River in eastern Siberia. It is a calcium-potassium-silicate found with deposits of tinaksite (orange), augite (black), and feldspar (white). The range of color is extensive. When prepared in jewelry-ready cabachons, a deep “glittering” crystalline effect is noticeable. This stone is quite lovely in all its manifestations but becomes more valuable as the deeper purple intensifies. It also becomes increasingly dominant in the cabachon. The stone was first discovered and considered for jewelry use in 1976. It is still rather inexpensive, ranging from $2 to $4 to as much as $20 per carat for the deeper colors. This too will change as more jewelers begin to see its beauty. In this regard, Indian silversmiths such as Bruce Hodgins are taking a leading role.

Gaspeite

This light, very soft and pleasing, green stone is a nickel carbonate colored by iron and magnesium. It is found on the Gaspe’ Peninsula in Canada; hence, the name. Most, however, is mined as a byproduct of nickel mines in western Australia. Gaspeite is similar in hue to Pixie and Damale turquoise and to a recent shade of green from the Carico Lake turquoise mine in Lander County, Nevada. Also, some shades of varasite are quite similar to gaspeite. The stone is used as a cabachon in jewelry and as attractive color accents in silver, gold, and channel inlay. Its value is, at the moment, fairly uniform at about $5 to $8 a carat. This will undoubtedly increase.

References / Recommended Readings

John Adair, The Navajo and Pueblo Silversmiths, University of Oklahoma Press, 1944.

Margery Bedinger, Indian Silver, Navajo and Pueblo Jewelers, University of New Mexico Press, 1973

M.G. Brown, Blue Gold, The Turquoise Story, Main Street Press, Anaheim, CA, 1975.

Larry Frank, Indian Silver Jewelry of the Southwest, Schiffer Publishing Ltd., Westchester, Pennsylvania, 1990.

The International Turquoise Annuals, vol. I and II, 1975 and 1976 (only two published) Impart Pub, Reno, NV. Note in vol. I the article on pages 31–55 by D. Allen Penick, “Turquoise, the Mineral that’s an Accident.”

Carl Rosnek and Joseph Stacy, Skystone and Silver, Prentice Hall, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1976.

Joseph E. Poque, Ph.D, The Turquoise, A report to the National Academy of Science, vol. XII, Second and Third Memoir, 1915. Reprinted in 1974 by Rio Grande Press, Inc., Glorieta, NM. (This reprint includes a foreword and details on Southwestern turquoise mines by Rex Arrowsmith and an excellent reference list. )

Stuart A. Northrop, Turquoise and Spanish Mines in New Mexico, University of New Mexico, Press, 1975.

Stuart A. Northrop, David L. Newman, David H. Snow, Turquoise, reprinted by General Printing and Paper Co., Topeka, KS. A reprint from El Palacio, vol. 79, No. 1, 1973, Museum of New Mexico.

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The History of Turquoise

An article by Lee Anderson

Although turquoise has captivated man’s imagination for centuries, nobody knows when it came to our attention. Archeological and literary references to the stone predate the Christian era by five millennia. The four bracelets of Queen Zar, found on her mummified arm, date back to the second ruler of the Egypt’s First Dynasty, approximately 5500 B.C. Although not specifically mentioned in the Bible, scholars believe that the robe worn by the high priest Aaron was adorned with turquoise. Aristotle, Pliny, and others refer to stones that must have been turquoise. After the 4th or 5th century A.D., many of the writings that appeared discussed the stone.

Explorers such as Marco Polo took time to write about it.

Turquoise was likely found and used by early man. Certainly, the prehistoric peoples of the Western hemisphere knew about turquoise; pieces have been found in burial and archeological sites throughout the two continents. The Anasazi and Hohokam mined turquoise throughout our Southwest. There is absolute evidence that these prehistoric people mined turquoise at Cerillos and the Burro Mountains of New Mexico, Kingman and Morenci in Arizona, and the Conejos areas of Colorado. It’s apparent that turquoise was a popular trade item, as so much has been found in archeological sites many hundreds of miles away from sources. A prime example is the Cerillos, New Mexico, turquoise found with the Aztecs.

It seems clear that turquoise was always considered a stone of life and good fortune and it even had healing properties. Many people from around the world found uses for turquoise in numerous ways.

Egypt. The earliest known use of turquoise and the first mines on the Sinai occurred during this civilization. The ancient Egyptians believed it had mystical powers and used it in art, figures, and ornaments such as Queen Zar’s jewelry (5500 B.C).

Persia. The legendary home of the world’s finest turquoise is the mines at Nishapur. Turquoise became a major trade and barter item for the early Persians. Persian turquoise was found in ancient graves in Turkistan and, in the 1st to 3rd century A.D., in graves throughout Caucausus. Persian stones were much coveted in Afghanistan and as far north as Siberia. It was used in art, medicine, and in jewelry in India.

Tibet. This country also has its own source of turquoise — usually a green cast, very hard stone with a significant amount of spider webbing. Turquoise was a highly revered item to Tibetans, who ranked them in six grades, the most expensive valued well above gold. Every Tibetan wore or carried a piece of turquoise throughout life. Turquoise was used for currency in many areas of Tibet.

Mongolia. The Mongols’ knowledge of turquoise likely came from Tibet and China. It became immensely popular.

China. The history of turquoise in China dates back to the 13th century A.D. Although mining did exist, most stone came from trade with the Persians, Turks, Tibetans, and the Mongols. Much Chinese turquoise was used for carving and for creating other art and decorative items. It never became a precious stone for the Chinese (unlike jade, for example).

Japan. Turquoise was unknown until the 18th century in Japan.

Europe. Although turquoise was unimportant in early and medieval Europe, it became popular during and following the Renaissance. As Asian conquests of, and incursions into, Europe occurred, the European’s familiarity with turquoise increased.

North and South America. As mentioned earlier, turquoise was a very important item to the early inhabitants of North and South America. The stone was used in religion, art, trade, treaty negotiations, and jewelry. It was considered by some to be associated with life itself.

Turquoise has also been used for medical purposes. These uses varied from land to land and from age to age. Some thought it could prevent injury through accident, prevent blindness (by placing perfect stones over the eyes or ground into a salve) and cure stomach disorders, internal bleeding, and stings from snakes and scorpions, when ingested as a powder. Turquoise also found its way into the mystic arts. Its color could forecast good or bad, predict the weather, and influence dreams. It was good for nearly every ailment —including insanity. As a good luck talisman, it found usage in nearly every culture.

References / Recommended Readings

John Adair, The Navajo and Pueblo Silversmiths, University of Oklahoma Press, 1944.

Margery Bedinger, Indian Silver, Navajo and Pueblo Jewelers, University of New Mexico Press, 1973.

M.G. Brown, Blue Gold, The Turquoise Story, Main Street Press, Anaheim, CA, 1975.

Larry Frank, Indian Silver Jewelry of the Southwest, Schiffer Publishing Ltd., Westchester, Pennsylvania, 1990.

The International Turquoise Annuals, vol. I and II, 1975 and 1976 (only two published) Impart Pub, Reno, NV. Note in vol. I the article on pages 31–55 by D. Allen Penick, “Turquoise, the Mineral that’s an Accident.”

Carl Rosnek and Joseph Stacy, Skystone and Silver, Prentice Hall, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1976.

Joseph E. Poque, Ph.D, The Turquoise, A report to the National Academy of Science, vol. XII, Second and Third Memoir, 1915. Reprinted in 1974 by Rio Grande Press, Inc., Glorieta, NM. (This reprint includes a foreword and details on Southwestern turquoise mines by Rex Arrowsmith and an excellent reference list. )

Stuart A. Northrop, Turquoise and Spanish Mines in New Mexico, University of New Mexico, Press, 1975.

Stuart A. Northrop, David L. Newman, David H. Snow, Turquoise, reprinted by General Printing and Paper Co., Topeka, KS. A reprint from El Palacio, vol. 79, No. 1, 1973, Museum of New Mexico.

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The Origin and Occurrence of Turquoise

An article by Lee Anderson

Turquoise consists of the chemical elements copper (Cu), aluminum (Al), phosphorus (PO4), and water (H2O). It is described as a “hydrous basic aluminum phosphate of copper” or a “hydrous aluminum phosphate colored by copper salts.” Its chemical formula is:

CuAl6 (PO44)8 4H2O,

although this varies widely. This molecular structure permits the inclusion of other elements, principally iron (Fe), calcium (Ca), magnesium (Mg), manganese (Mn), silicon (Si), and zinc (Zn). These additional elements, when incorporated in the molecular structure of turquoise, influence its color and hardness.

Turquoise is formed when the proper minerals, present in the proper proportions, are subjected to certain physical and chemical processes. These minerals are broken down, or “weathered,” from nearby “source” rocks and then dissolved, transported, and deposited in cracks, openings, and hollows in “host” rocks that lie beneath the surface. This mineral “solution” must remain in these host rocks for millions of years, at just the right pressures and temperatures, to form turquoise. (Keep in mind that over these enormous periods of time, mountains rise and wear away, and seas advance and recede.) It’s remarkable that a specific grouping of minerals could be subjected to the forces of pressure and temperature for such long periods, eventually forming something as beautiful as turquoise!

Turquoise usually forms in areas with some volcanic or thermal history. Most is found in volcanic rocks such as phyolite and trachyte; a lesser, but still significant amount, is found in intrusive (granite-like) rocks. Metamorphic and sedimentary rocks, on the other hand, are least likely to contain turquoise, although the turquoise found in the Sinai and in Australia occurs in sandstone and shale.

Most turquoise is found in “alteration zones” — areas where the native rocks have been altered by heat from magma or other thermal influences. This “hydrothermal” alteration is created when magma solutions from deep within the earth flow to the surface through fractures or pores, eventually changing the original rocks because of the intense heat and chemical exchange with the new rock (magma). This activity, coupled with the long weathering of the surface rocks through wind and water and their resulting chemical breakdown, creates the environment necessary for turquoise to form.

Another key geological process is “silicification.” It, too, is involves hydrothermal and intrusive alteration. Silica, a common associate of turquoise, is introduced into the turquoise deposit. This process, in addition to periods of intense heat, is responsible for the hardness of the turquoise and frequently the matrix as well.

In order for turquoise to form, several conditions must be met. First, there must be a source of copper, a relatively rare element. Collocated with this copper must be a source of phosphorus — usually the mineral apatite, which in turn is restricted to certain rocks (which are not all associated with copper). Phosphorus is typically leached from the apatite in the form of phosphoric acid. There must also be feldspar for the aluminum and deep hydrothermal alteration to break down these feldspars and free this aluminum. The copper is usually introduced into the “host” rocks by the rising hot magma. It readily oxidizes near the surface and, when in solution, reacts freely with the aluminum and phosphoric acid to form turquoise. At this time, other minerals may enter into the turquoise structure, creating color variations.

Other factors affect the creation of turquoise. For example, the best, hardest turquoise is usually found within 100 feet of the earth’s surface. Why? Well, turquoise sitting in a pocket waiting for someone to mine is subject to the elements. If it’s near the surface, it “dries out.” As it “dries,” it hardens; deeper formations are generally softer. Shallow deposits have less contact with the acids created by water percolating through the earth, so they are less likely to “soften” or become more porous. Some cases appear to contradict this observation, such as the Lone Mountain Mine in Nevada. In this area, tunneling along the vein has been very productive even below 100 feet. That’s because the rocks have been faulted to the side —the turquoise actually formed near the surface before faulting.

Undoubtedly, many similar formations have been lost forever as a result of the earth’s convolutions, which have sent the deposits deep into the crust.

References / Recommended Readings

Joseph E. Poque, Ph.D, The Turquoise, A report to the National Academy of Science, vol. XII, Second and Third Memoir, 1915. Reprinted in 1974 by Rio Grande Press, Inc., Glorieta, NM. (This reprint includes a foreword and details on Southwestern turquoise mines by Rex Arrowsmith and an excellent reference list. )

The International Turquoise Annuals, vol. I and II, 1975 and 1976 (only two published) Impart Pub, Reno, NV. Note in vol. I the article on pages 31–55 by D. Allen Penick, “Turquoise, the Mineral that’s an Accident.

Stuart A. Northrop, Turquoise and Spanish Mines in New Mexico, University of New Mexico, Press, 1975.

M.G. Brown, Blue Gold, The Turquoise Story, Main Street Press, Anaheim, CA, 1975

Stuart A. Northrop, David L. Newman, David H. Snow, Turquoise, reprinted by General Printing and Paper Co., Topeka, KS. A reprint from El Palacio, vol. 79, No. 1, 1973, Museum of New Mexico.

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The Physical Properties of Turquoise

An article by Lee Anderson 

Hardness

Turquoise is opaque and has a Mohs scale hardness that varies remarkably. The soft, deeply mined chalks may only slightly exceed 2 on the Mohs scale, whereas a hard, gem specimen may exceed 6. The hardness varies in response to several factors, including environment and matrix. The silicification process, which can produce gem stones, usually involves very minute quartz particles. This process will strengthen some of the matrices as well. If silicification has not occurred, the turquoise will likely be chalky, porous, and soft. It will not be usable in jewelry without undergoing treatment — usually stabilization.

Specific Gravity

The specific gravity of turquoise is 2.6 to 2.8, about the same as quartz. Of course, when some minerals replace other minerals, the specific gravity will change/

Color

The color of turquoise can vary from deep blue to deep green, with every variation of color in between, because of its chemical composition. Generally, the more copper in the molecule, the bluer the turquoise. The introduction of iron causes a greener cast. Turquoise specimens from various mines have been analyzed to determine their chemical compositions. Generally, these analyses support this color generalization. Turquoise can also change color naturally, usually becoming greener when exposed to moisture. This can occur when the stone is in the ground or when it is used in jewelry. The process is similar to what happens to blue azurite, which changes to green malachite when water content increases in its creation environment. Man, too, can change the color of turquoise artificially by submerging the stone in animal fat. This has been done for centuries simply to make it prettier and to increase its value in trade. Wetting the stone in water immediately prior to sale makes the color more pronounced and the stone heavier; both techniques, however, are temporary. We discuss prominent color change later in this article.

Although turquoise must consist of copper, aluminum, and phosphorus, other elements can replace them (in various percentages), thereby changing the molecular structure. For example, two very rare minerals, chalcosiderite (where iron replaces the aluminum) and faustite (where zinc replaces the aluminum) exist in turquoise environments. However, more frequently, iron and zinc will partially replace the aluminum, leaving turquoise altered only in color, specific gravity, and of course, chemical composition. Most turquoise is concentrated more near the copper-aluminum end of this spectrum than the iron or zinc-aluminum end; therefore, most turquoise is blue or blue-green. A great many variables exist in this stone; it is sill turquoise. No one factor makes it more or less valuable.

A series of chemical tests were conducted on turquoise from 21 different mines in several countries. There were marked differences in the composition of the oxides forming these turquoise samples. For example, copper ranged from 1.4 percent in a Persian mine to a 9 percent in Virginia; phosphorus was 14 percent in the Persian samples but 39 percent in Jordan; and aluminum varied from a low of 29 percent in New Mexico’s Cerillos mine to a high of 54 percent in Jordan. Averages for the 10 U.S. samples were as follows: copper, 4–9 percent; phosphorus, 27–34 percent; and aluminum, 29–44 percent.

The tests for iron ranged from zero percent in three mines to 7.8 percent in Persia. U.S. mines ranged from 1.2 to 4.4 percent. Water, a key element, averaged 18 percent in all mines .

These tests, if nothing else, show just how complex a mined turquoise is; turquoise simply does not always follow the accepted generalizations. For example, the tests show that a Persian mine noted for its blue turquoise had the lowest copper and highest iron content. This appears to contradict the generalization that bluer stones contain more copper. The tests revealed traces of other oxides that affect color. Lastly, these tests were conducted many years ago and we know today that ore samples from a single mine can vary rather markedly.

References / Recommended Readings

John Adair, The Navajo and Pueblo Silversmiths, University of Oklahoma Press, 1944.

Margery Bedinger, Indian Silver, Navajo and Pueblo Jewelers, University of New Mexico Press, 1973.

M.G. Brown, Blue Gold, The Turquoise Story, Main Street Press, Anaheim, CA, 1975.

Larry Frank, Indian Silver Jewelry of the Southwest, Schiffer Publishing Ltd., Westchester, Pennsylvania, 1990.

The International Turquoise Annuals, vol. I and II, 1975 and 1976 (only two published) Impart Pub, Reno, NV. Note in vol. I the article on pages 31–55 by D. Allen Penick, “Turquoise, the Mineral that’s an Accident.”

Carl Rosnek and Joseph Stacy, Skystone and Silver, Prentice Hall, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1976.

Joseph E. Poque, Ph.D, The Turquoise, A report to the National Academy of Science, vol. XII, Second and Third Memoir, 1915. Reprinted in 1974 by Rio Grande Press, Inc., Glorieta, NM. (This reprint includes a foreword and details on Southwestern turquoise mines by Rex Arrowsmith and an excellent reference list. )

Stuart A. Northrop, Turquoise and Spanish Mines in New Mexico, University of New Mexico, Press, 1975.

Stuart A. Northrop, David L. Newman, David H. Snow, Turquoise, reprinted by General Printing and Paper Co., Topeka, KS. A reprint from El Palacio, vol. 79, No. 1, 1973, Museum of New Mexico.

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